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Sheikh Hasina’s toughest challenge-defeating the rising tide of Islamism in Bangladesh

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The spurt of incidents of attacks on Hindu minority community in Bangladesh in recent times brings into focus the increasing influence of Islamists in that country despite the Hasina government’s profession of secularism and its attempt to maintain that credential. Islamism in Bangladesh is rising precipitously, permeating every aspect of life and has taken root as much in urban centres as in rural communities.

To quote a perceptive analyst: “Everywhere – from modern business office to daily social life – Islamic codes tend to exert authority. Burqa and hijab-wearing women who vow to uphold such a system are numerous, and so are men with Islamic zeal. Two decades ago, most Bangladeshis would have considered such behaviours ludicrous.”

Sufferings of the community continues since the mayhem that took place during the Durga puja in October last when Hindu properties were looted, their houses were burnt into ashes leaving four people dead and many others injured, temples were desecrated and set on fire over a contrived blasphemy issue of the copy of Holy Koran found near the image of Hindu God Hanuman. The government had to deploy para-military forces in 22 districts of Bangladesh then.

The latest incident took place on February 8 when five brothers of a Hindu family were crushed to death injuring two others of the same family by a pick-up truck in what is believed to be a ‘premeditated’ attack according to the surviving members of the family.

The incident took place in Chakaria Upazila in Cox Bazar district in the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh. ‘Hindu Lives Matter’, an organisation that has sprang up recently has reported about another incident of physical violence and forceful occupation of a clinic-cum -residence of a Hindu family outside Dhaka by a well-known film actor named Jayed Khan and his associates. Examples of such torture and harassment of Hindu families abound.

Even while the Sheikh Hasina government is mindful of the predicaments of the Hindu minority and tries to protect them from the onslaught of the Islamist communal elements, it has not really succeeded in providing the community a sense of security and fear-free atmosphere in the country resulting in migration and a slow process of dwindling of their numbers in Bangladesh. What accounts for this dichotomy of the government remaining by and large secular but the vast section of the population are communal and Islamist in their preferences? The reason lies in the very birth of Bangladesh in 1971.

While the commitments of the Awami League (AL) that brought independence to the country after a brutal oppression by the Pakistani military, and of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to a secular polity were unquestionable, they could not rid the newly emerging country of the scourge of communalism and of the poison of religion-oriented politics of the Pakistani days. The majority undoubtedly went along with the secular politics of the AL and of Bangabandhu, but there were still a major section of people from the armed forces and from the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s leading Islamist organization, who could not reconcile to their separation from Pakistan, their umblical chord.

The Jamaat-e-Islami – which was banned soon after independence for its collaboration with Pakistan and role in massacring thousands of secular Bangladeshis – was resurrected in late 1975 by the elements that were responsible for the brutal killing of Bangabandu and members of his family. It was not just Sheikh Mujib and his family alone but many of his associates and other secular figures were annihilated by the Islamist elements.

The military regimes that followed after that under Generals Ziaur Rahman and Ershad patronized the Islamist elements whose numbers grew exponentially during those periods. The civilian rule under the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), now led by General Zia’s widow Begum Khaleda also encouraged the Islamist forces to grow. Even while the BNP was founded as a nationalist centre-right party, it began to veer towards the Islamic elements to compete with Awami League’s secularism.

The BNP was born in the military barracks, and its founder and military ruler General Ziaur Rahman had legitimised the pro-Pakistani collaborators by removing the ban on them. Its brand of Bangladeshi nationalism is religion-driven. The BNP had made its political preference clear when it formed the government in 2001 with pro-Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami as its coalition partner. For the next five years of the BNP-Jamaat reign, a surfeit of Islamist radical terror groups like HUJI (Harkat-ul- Jihad al-Islami), JMB (Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh) and Ansarullah Bangla Team surfaced or consolidated their position in Bangladesh, unleashing horrible pogroms against minority Hindus, Buddhists and Christians.

Another organisation that has taken the centre stage since 2010 in Islamist politics in Bangladesh, other than Jamaat, is Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, an Islamic advocacy group of madrassah teachers and students. The formation was allegedly triggered by the 2009 “Women Development Policy” draft.

On February 24, 2010, Hefazat wanted to hold a rally at Laldighi Maidan, Chittagong to protest the government’s move to slap a ban on religion-based politics, cancellation of the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, and a proposed education policy that would have ended madrasah education. The police refused their request to hold a rally and injured 19 protesters.

A few of these madrasa students were arrested by police and later released. In 2011, Hefajat-e-Islam protested some aspects of the proposed Women Development Policy. According to The Economist, Hefazat is financed by doctrinaire Islamists in Saudi Arabia. In 2013, it gained most prominence when secular and atheist Bangladeshis rallied to demand the execution of Jamaat leaders convicted for war crimes committed during the 1971 Liberation War, the Hefazat took to the streets and counter-mobilized massive support.

It submitted at the time to the government of Bangladesh a 13-point charter, which included the demand for the enactment of a blasphemy law with death sentence to its victims, mandatory Islamic education, and a ban on intermixing of men and women and followed this up by mobilising thousands of madrassa students for a “siege” of Dhaka.

The Awami League (AL) was quite unnerved by Hefajat’s power of street protests and mobilization of Islamists elements and in course of time decided to coopt the organisation into a coalition in order to counterbalance its rival party, BNP which has Jamaat as its partner, and in the process had to grant certain concessions to Hefajat. AL’s strategy paid dividends for some time as Hefajat being in the coalition toned down its militancy. But the appeasement policy did not succeed for long, as over the last 2 years, it has again resumed its militant politics finding expression in the defacing of statues, particularly of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and attack against minority community at the slightest pretext, leading the AL government to impose restrictions on its activities turning the organization at loggerheads with the government.

For, over the past years the Islamists have unleashed violence against them by killing writers and cultural activists, damaging statues in public squares, and setting off bombs at cultural gatherings. To their dismay, the Islamists now dictate what social and cultural norms should be.

Islamism receives impetus also from Saudi patronage and funding of large number Islamic institutions and Mosques. Since the late 1970s, Saudi Arabia funded the construction of thousands of radical mosques and madrasas. Today, Hefazat-e-Islam, controls over 14,000 mosques and madrasas where up to 1.4 million students get an Islamic education without any state supervision. These mosques and madrasas are thought to be breeding ground of radicalism in the country.

Military rulers abused religion to consolidate their power in Bangladesh and Saudi Arabia used this opportunity to fund radical mosques and madrasas. Saudi Arabia has also patronized Islamist parties including Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh whose sole objective is to establish sharia and implement Quranic punishments. Saudi influence is also thought to be behind the rising trend among Bangladeshi women to wear black burqas.

Today, Saudi Arabia has about two million Bangladeshi migrant workers who send billions of dollars home annually, making a vital contribution to the economy of the country where one-third of people live in poverty. In exchange for opening the labour market, Saudi Arabia has been allowed to export and promote radicalism in Bangladesh.

In the absence of a viable democratic opposition, as the BNP has almost become a defunct organization with its leader Begum Khaleda Zia remaining either in jail or under house arrest, the political space is captured by the Islamists who are ideologically driven by the goal to replace secular democracy with theocracy. As Hefajat continues to gain a foothold, it is also paving the way for other Islamist groups to achieve political success.

For the Hasina government and the Awami League, a traditionally liberal, centre-left party, the challenge is formidable, as Dhaka must aggressively protect its secular legacy traced to Tagore, Kazi Nazrul Islam and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and others – the very ideology the party was meant to protect.

Business

India, Japan can diversify trade basket, open new frontiers with renewed efforts: PM Modi

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Tokyo, Aug 29: Hailing the robust India-Japan economic and trade partnership, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday said with renewed efforts, both nations can diversify their trade basket, make it more balanced, and open up new frontiers as well.

In an interview with Japanese newspaper The Yomiuri Shimbun, the Prime Minister said we must aim bigger and remain ambitious.

“The synergies across governments, businesses and people can create scale and speed in our economic partnership. As the world’s leading economies, we have been contributing to each other’s growth, competitiveness and dynamism,” PM Modi told the publication.

Japan has been a trusted partner in India’s infrastructure development across generations. The country has also been a leading source of foreign direct investment (FDI) for India in key sectors, including automobiles, electronics, telecom, chemicals, finance, and pharmaceuticals.

According to PM Modi, the number of Japanese firms in India has grown steadily to around 1,500, while more than 400 Indian companies operate in Japan.

“Clearly, this is only the beginning — the real potential is much higher,” he noted.

“We maintain important trade relations, but it has not yet reached the levels envisaged under our CEPA (Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement)… The 20th century saw Japan emerge as a major partner in India’s infrastructure development. I am confident that the 21st century will see Japan as a major partner in India’s innovation, manufacturing, and global value chains,” the Prime Minister emphasised.

On semiconductors, PM Modi told the publication that India’s semiconductor sector is on the cusp of transformation.

“We have put in place a comprehensive regulatory and policy framework, backed by incentives, to build a strong semiconductor and display ecosystem. Already, six semiconductor units are taking root in India, with four more on the way. By the end of this very year, ‘Made in India’ chips will be in the market, a clear demonstration of India’s design and manufacturing capabilities,” the Prime Minister said.

Japanese companies, with their technological strengths and global leadership, can play a pivotal role in this journey, he said, adding that a strong beginning has already been made.

“By combining India’s scale and capabilities with Japan’s advanced technologies, we can build a resilient and trusted semiconductor value chain,” PM Modi stressed, adding that this collaboration will support the technological ambitions of both our countries and enhance global supply chain security.

“I see semiconductor cooperation emerging as a major pillar of the India–Japan partnership. After all, in this digital century, chips are not just about computers, they are about competitiveness, credibility and confidence in the future,” he mentioned.

Some Japanese companies are positioning their production bases in India as hubs for third-country markets such as Africa.

According to PM Modi, India has seen multi-faceted reforms which make manufacturing in India easier than ever before.

“We have removed compliance burdens, rolled out incentives and ensured a large skilled workforce for companies to set base in India. Many global companies, including those from Japan, are setting up their production in India not only to cater to our domestic market, but also for the world,” he highlighted in his response.

Japanese automaker Suzuki Motor Corporation this week announced it will invest Rs 70,000 crore in India over the next five to six years. The investment will be used to increase production, introduce new car models, and protect its leadership position in the world’s third-largest automobile market.

“Just a couple of days back, I was at the Suzuki plant in India where we flagged off electric vehicles to be exported to a hundred countries, including Japan,” said PM Modi.

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International News

PM Modi’s China Visit: Bilateral Talks With Xi Jinping & Vladimir Putin Confirmed At SCO Summit Amid Trump’s Tarrif Row

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New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi will hold bilateral meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping on August 31 and Russian President Vladimir Putin on September 1 in Tianjin, during the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit.

The talks come at a sensitive moment, as India grapples with strained economic ties with the United States following tariff hikes by President Donald Trump.

India’s relationship with China, though still fragile, has shown signs of cautious improvement after years of confrontation. Tensions had escalated after the deadly Galwan Valley clashes in June 2020, but sustained diplomatic and military engagements have since led to withdrawals from some key friction points along the Line of Actual Control.

Despite heavy deployments, both sides have worked to lower the risk of fresh escalation. This will mark Modi’s first visit to China in more than seven years, his last being the informal Wuhan summit with Xi in 2018. The upcoming meeting is expected to test whether the managed thaw between the two Asian neighbours can move into a more stable phase.

The meeting with Putin is equally significant. With Moscow under Western sanctions over the Ukraine war, Russia is seeking to reinforce its traditional partnership with India while expanding its alignment with China. Officials have hinted at possible trilateral discussions involving India, Russia and China, which may surface in the Modi-Putin talks.

The wider SCO summit will draw leaders from across Central Asia, South Asia, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. For China, it represents a stage to assert leadership of the Global South and to extend diplomatic support to Russia. For India, the gathering provides an opportunity to reaffirm its place in multilateral forums and present itself as a balancing force in shifting global alignments.

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‘Modi’s War’: White House Trade Advisor Peter Navarro Blames India’s Oil Purchase For Ukraine-Russia Conflict

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Washington, DC: White House Trade Advisor Peter Navarro has referred to the Russia-Ukraine conflict as “PM Modi’s war,” criticising India for purchasing discounted crude oil from Moscow.

In an interview with Bloomberg, Navarro blamed India for being the reason behind the US and Europe funding Ukraine against Russia’s aggression.

“Ukraine comes to us and Europe and says give us more money (for its war). Everybody in America loses because of what India is doing. Consumers and businesses lose, workers lose because India’s high tariffs cause jobs, income and higher wages. The taxpayer lose because we got to fund Modi’s war.” Navarro told Bloomberg.

He added, “The road to peace runs atleast partly through New Delhi.”

The White House trade advisor further termed India “arrogant” over prioritising its energy needs and advised it to “side with democracies.”

“The Indians are so arrogant about this. They say we don’t have higher tariffs. It’s our sovereignty. We can buy oil from anyone we want. India, you’re the biggest democracy in the world. Okay? Act like one. Side with the democracies,” Navarro said.

Navarro further attacked India for smoothening its ties with China, expressing his frustration over India’s growing relations with Moscow and Beijing, whom he labelled as “authoritarians.”

“You’re getting in bed with the authoritarians. China, you’ve been at quiet war with them for decades. They invaded Aksai Chin and all your territory. These are not your friends, folks. Okay? And the Russians, I mean, come on,” Navarro told Bloomberg.

Navarro’s remarks come after the 50 per cent tariffs on Indian goods imposed by the Donald Trump administration came into force on Wednesday. Of the 50 per cent tariffs, 25 per cent are imposed because of India’s continued purchases of Russian oil and military equipment, which the Ministry of External Affairs has described as “extremely unfortunate” and reiterated its stand to protect its national interest.

“In an official statement, the MEA said, “The United States has in recent days targeted India’s oil imports from Russia. We have already made clear our position on these issues, including the fact that our imports are based on market factors and done with the overall objective of ensuring the energy security of 1.4 billion people of India.”

“It is therefore extremely unfortunate that the US should choose to impose additional tariffs on India for actions that several other countries are also taking in their own national interest,” the statement added.

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has also responded to criticism of India by American officials for its energy ties with Russia, and said the US itself had asked New Delhi to help stabilise global energy markets by buying Russian oil.

Jaishankar called out the US logic to impose tariffs on India, despite China being the biggest purchaser of Russian oil and the EU being the biggest purchaser of LNG.

“We are not the biggest purchasers of Russian oil; that is China. We are not the biggest purchasers of LNG, that is the European Union. We are not the country which has the biggest trade surge with Russia after 2022; I think there are some countries to the South. We are a country where the Americans have said for the last few years that we should do everything to stabilise the world energy market, including buying oil from Russia. Incidentally, we also buy oil from the US, and that amount has increased. So honestly, we are very perplexed at the logic of the argument that you (the media) had referred to…” Jaishankar had said in response to a query during a joint press briefing with Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov in Moscow.

Not just Indians but US politicians and economists have also responded to US efforts to strong-arm New Delhi.

Earlier, renowned economist Jeffrey Sachs had strongly criticised the US administration’s decision to impose steep tariffs on India, calling them “bizarre” and “very self-destructive of US foreign policy interests”.

In a recent interview with ANI, Sachs expressed concerns that these tariffs will undermine years of efforts to strengthen US-India relations. Sachs described the tariffs as “not a strategy, but sabotage” and the “stupidest tactical move in US foreign policy”, which has unified the BRICS countries like never before.

Nikki Haley, former US Ambassador to the United Nations, has emphasised the importance of treating India as a “prized free and democratic partner” in the global effort to counter China’s growing influence. In her opinion piece on Newsweek, she warned that damaging the 25-year momentum in US-India relations would be a “strategic disaster.”

She urged Donald Trump to “reverse the downward spiral” and hold direct talks with PM Modi. “The sooner the better,” she said.

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