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Mulayam Singh Yadav: The three-time UP CM was the ‘Dhartiputra’ of national politics

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He was known as ‘Dhartiputra’ and remained a true son of the soil. His style of politics was firmly grounded and success and failure did not affect him.

Mulayam Singh Yadav was one of the last of his generation of politicians who kept his values intact and did not corporatize his politics.

For him, the last man in the line remained important – whether it was from his family, his village or his state. He was a friend of friends and even turned his foes into friends.

Mulayam Singh had first contested the Assembly election from Karhal in 1967 on Ram Manohar Lohia’s Samyukta Socialist Party ticket.

Groomed by the likes of Ram Manohar Lohia and Raj Narain, Yadav served eight terms as the member of the state Assembly.

In 1975, during Indira Gandhi’s imposition of the Emergency, Yadav was arrested and kept in custody for 19 months.

He first became a state minister in 1977. Later, in 1980, he became the president of the Lok Dal in Uttar Pradesh which later became a part of the Janata Dal.

In 1982, he was elected leader of the opposition in the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council and held that post until 1985. When the Lok Dal party split, Yadav launched the Krantikari Morcha party.

Mulayam Singh Yadav first became the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1989.

Being a shrewd politician, he had the uncanny knack of sensing the upheavals in politics.

After the collapse of the V.P. Singh national government in November 1990, Yadav joined Chandra Shekhar’s Janata Dal (Socialist) party and continued in office as the chief minister with the support of the Congress.

His government fell when the Congress withdrew support in April 1991 and Mulayam Singh lost to the BJP in the midterm elections.

In 1992, Yadav founded his own Samajwadi Party and then allied with the Bahujan Samaj Party for the elections to the Uttar Pradesh Assembly, held in November 1993.

The alliance between the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party prevented the return of the BJP to power in the state and Yadav became the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh with the support of Congress and Janata Dal.

Mulayam’s stand on the movement for demanding separate statehood for Uttarakhand was as much controversial as his stand on Ayodhya movement in 1990 was.

The firing on Ayodhya activists and then Uttarakhand activists at Muzaffarnagar on October 2, 1994 remained black spots of his regime.

In 1995, the SP-BSP alliance broke with the infamous State Guest House incident but Mulayam Singh Yadav made sure that his party bounced back to power in 2003.

He was sworn in as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh for the third time in September 2003.

Yadav contested the 2004 Lok Sabha elections from Mainpuri while he was still Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. However, he later resigned from the Lok Sabha and continued as chief minister till 2007 when the SP lost to the BSP in the state elections.

Mulayam Singh Yadav was one of the few politicians who blatantly promoted nepotism and had no qualms about it. At any given time, there were about a dozen family members in politics in Uttar Pradesh.

“He always pushed us into politics and asked us to make a career for ourselves. It was always he who decided what was best for us and took keen interest in our careers,” said one of his nephews.

Mulayam Singh valued his friends deeply. Whether it was Beni Prasad Varma, or Azam Khan or Mohan Singh or Janeshwar Mishra – each one had a special place in his life.

His war with Balram Singh Yadav and Darshan Singh Yadav in Etawah had acquired legendary proportions, but Mulayam, over a period of time, managed to change his equations and both became his friends.

Mulayam shared a love-hate relationship with the media. His famous ‘Halla Bol’ agitation against some newspapers grabbed national headlines.

However, Mulayam made sure that his individual relationship with journalists never deteriorated. Even if he ticked off a scribe for his writing, he made sure to call out to him and mend fences at the earliest.

For party workers, he remained their beloved ‘Netaji’ – one who was always approachable and available.

“I do not remember a single occasion when I went to meet Mulayam Singh and came back without doing so. He remembered even the smallest party worker by name and it was this that endeared him to everyone,” said a senior party MLA.

Mulayam Singh Yadav was one chief minister who enjoyed full loyalty from his bureaucrats. He took tough decisions and his officers implemented them. In fact, many claim that the politicisation of bureaucracy began only after Mulayam became the chief minister.

In the past five years, after Akhilesh Yadav took over the reins of the party, Mulayam had withdrawn into a shell.

The changing dynamics in the party reduced the stream of visitors into a trickle and Mulayam – for the first time, became a lonely man.

“He would often ask us if there was anyone waiting to meet him. He loved going to the party office and relished the hustle-bustle there. At home, he had almost nothing to do and this bothered him,” said one of his close staff members.

Mulayam was disturbed by the recent happenings in his family — daughter-in-law Aparna joining the BJP, the split between son Akhilesh and brother Shivpal. He made no public mention of it but it was clear that he was deeply affected by what was happening.

The demise of his second wife Sadhana Gupta Yadav in July this year, sources say, left Mulayam distressed and lonely and this led to a deterioration in his physical condition.

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Patel’s alarm, Nehru’s ‘dismissal’: The origins of the National Herald storm

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New Delhi, April 17: A series of letters exchanged between Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1950, as documented in the book Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, suggest that Patel expressed concerns to Nehru regarding the use of the ‘National Herald’ for fundraising purposes. These letters indicate that Patel cautioned Nehru about “the potential misuse of government influence in financial dealings” and advised against accepting contributions from “questionable” sources.

The old correspondence between Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru has resurfaced at the heart of political debate, following the Enforcement Directorate’s chargesheet against former Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. The charges, tied to alleged money laundering in the National Herald case, have brought renewed attention to Patel’s early warnings about financial misconduct linked to the publication—warnings that now seem strikingly relevant.

In fact, The National Herald has been entangled in controversy since the early days of independent India. Letters exchanged between Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru in 1950 are frequently referenced to point out that questions around the paper’s financial conduct and political misuse were being raised even then.

In 1950, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explicitly warned Jawaharlal Nehru about dubious fundraising tactics and the ‘misuse’ of government machinery to prop up the National Herald. These serious concerns revealed Patel’s clear discomfort with the ethical and political implications of such actions. Despite the gravity of the warnings, Nehru apparently chose to brush them aside.

Are Sardar Patel’s decades-old warnings proving to be prophetic? The question is echoing across political debates following the Enforcement Directorate’s chargesheet against Sonia and Rahul Gandhi, accusing them of orchestrating a “criminal conspiracy” to usurp properties worth Rs 2,000 crore belonging to Associated Journals Ltd (AJL), the publisher of the National Herald. What began as a stern caution from one of India’s foremost statesmen in 1950 has, according to political analysts referencing Patel’s letters, now spiralled into an allegedly full-blown scandal that “underscores a legacy of alleged misuse of power and political entitlement”.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel raised the red flag in a series of pointed letters to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. On May 5, 1950, Patel wrote to Nehru expressing grave concern over a Rs 75,000 donation to the National Herald from two individuals associated with Himalayan Airways. The airline had reportedly obtained a government contract for night air mail services by circumventing objections from the Indian Air Force. Observers say that it was an early sign of “political favouritism and backroom dealings”.

Patel didn’t mince words. He highlighted that one of the donors, Akhani, was already facing multiple charges of bank fraud. Even more damning was Patel’s accusation that Union Minister Ahmed Kidwai was abusing his official position to collect funds for the Herald, including money from controversial businessmen in Lucknow such as J.P. Srivastava.

Nehru’s reply, sent the same day, was “vague and dismissive”– attempting to pacify Patel without allegedly addressing the core concerns. He mentioned having asked his son-in-law, Feroze Gandhi, then General Manager of the Herald, to look into the matter. According to an analyst, Nehru’s tone as reflected in the letter was non-committal, brushing the issue aside as though it were an unfortunate misunderstanding.

Patel, undeterred, responded the very next day, May 6, 1950. He saw through the deflection as he wrote to Nehru in detail, explaining how certain private companies and their shareholders were involved in the process. Sardar Patel noted, “Some contributions did not come from those involved in running the department. Otherwise, to my knowledge, the number of contributions received was sufficient and involved other individuals as well. The transactions I have referred to are of a different nature. There is no element of charity in them.”

In his follow-up, Nehru again “tried to distance himself from the paper and its finances”, claiming he hadn’t been involved with the National Herald or its fundraising for three years and had passed the responsibility to a woman named Mridula. He admitted “some mistakes may have occurred” but continued to what was seen by many as his attempt to “justify” the questionable transactions as part of a legitimate business proposition, even calling it a matter of “loss and profit” — not charity.

This point was highlighted by BJP national spokesperson Sudhanshu Trivedi who stated that on May 6, 1950, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a letter to Sardar Patel saying, “Herald is a good business proposition and its preference shares and debentures are not a bad investment.”

It was said during Nehru’s time that the investment made in the National Herald could be profitable. This is a good business investment, so its shares or debentures cannot be considered harmful, said Trivedi referring to correspondence.

The direct implication is that from the very beginning, this investment was linked to profit, business, and property, he added. “Today, the Congress party should be asked this ethical question: when this was always a business plan, how can it suddenly be linked to charity or donations given during the freedom struggle?” he said.

This was the breaking point for Patel.

In his final letter dated May 10, 1950, he made it clear that the issue was about integrity, accountability, and the misuse of political power. As Home Minister, he expressed deep concern over the ‘dishonesty’ surrounding the Herald’s funding and the dubious individuals involved.

He rejected Nehru’s defence outright, calling out the rot at the core of what was being portrayed as a freedom movement legacy.

Sardar Patel wrote, “In light of these events, I do not think there is any benefit in pursuing this matter further. I have already told you how I view these activities, and I doubt that if this happened in any other province and I had any connection to it, I would not accept this situation.”

According to Trivedi, this clearly means that he had become disillusioned and did not want to talk about it again. “Now, Congress should explain what kind of sacrifice and dedication this was,” Trivedi asked.

According to political observers, Patel’s firm stance exposed a deeper malaise — a troubling pattern of entitlement, favouritism, and ethical compromise that would resurface decades later. His warnings, largely ignored at the time, now seem eerily prophetic.

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Raj Thackeray urges Fadnavis govt to withdraw decision to introduce Hindi as 3rd language in schools

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Mumbai, April 17: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray on Thursday took strong objection to the Devendra Fadnavis-led state government’s move to introduce Hindi as a compulsory language in Classes 1 to 5 in Marathi and English schools, saying that “the party will not allow the Centre’s current efforts to ‘Hindi-fy’ everything to succeed in Maharashtra”.

He also announced that the MNS would not tolerate this compulsion while appealing to the state government to immediately withdraw this decision.

In his post on X, Thackeray said: “I request all my Marathi mothers, sisters and brothers in Maharashtra as well as all my brothers and sisters working in Marathi newspapers and Marathi news channels to condemn and oppose this without any debate! And yes, if other political parties in Maharashtra have even a little love for the Marathi language, they will also oppose this. Today they are forcing languages, tomorrow they will issue other forced fatwas.”

He further said: “We will not allow the Central government’s current efforts to ‘Hindi-fy’ everything to succeed in this state. Hindi is not a national language. It is a state language like other languages in the country. Why should it be taught in Maharashtra from the very beginning? Whatever your trilingual formula is, limit it to government affairs, do not bring it to education.

“The formation of linguistic regions was done in this country, and it lasted for so many years. But why have you just now started imposing the language of another region on Maharashtra?

“Every language is beautiful and there is a long history and tradition behind its formation. And its respect should be maintained in the state where it is the language. Just as Marathi should be respected by other speakers in Maharashtra, so should all speakers of that language be respected in other states. It is our insistence that even the Marathi people living in other states should consider the language of that state as their own. But if you are going to ignore this and try to ruin the linguistic tradition of this country, we do not accept it,” the MNS chief said.

“We are Hindus but not Hindi! If you try to paint Maharashtra as Hindi, then there is bound to be a struggle in Maharashtra. If you look at all this, you will realise that the government is deliberately creating this struggle. Is this all an attempt to create a struggle between Marathi and non-Marathi in the upcoming elections and take advantage of it? The non-Marathi speakers of this state should also understand this plan of the government. It is not that they have any special love for your language. They want to burn their own political coals by inciting you,” he warned.

“Today, the state’s financial situation is dire, the government has no money left for schemes. Marathi youth are waiting for jobs. They (MahaYuti alliance) said before the elections that they would waive off loans, but later they did not do so. Therefore, the farmers who were hoping for loan waiver are disappointed. And it is as if the industry has turned its back on Maharashtra. When there is nothing to say or show concretely, then the British mantra of divide and rule is being used here, steps are being taken by the government to raise suspicions,” the MNS chief said.

He further wondered: “Well, why force Hindi in Maharashtra? Will you force Hindi in a southern state like this? And if you do, the governments there will be outraged. The state government and its constituent parties tolerate all this silently, so this is being forced here. We don’t know about the rest and we don’t care, but the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena will not tolerate this.”

Raj Thackeray said that the school administration should take note that the compulsion to learn Hindi language from first grade will not be tolerated in Maharashtra. Hindi books from the school curriculum will not be sold in shops and schools and will not be allowed to distribute those books to students.

“In every state, only their official language should be respected! Tomorrow, will Marathi language be taught from the first grade in all states? No, right? Then why this compulsion here? I appeal to the government not to stress this issue. But if you are going to impose Hindi, then the struggle is inevitable and only the government will be responsible for it. Therefore, the government should respect the sentiments of the people and order to immediately withdraw this decision,” he said.

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Supreme Court gives seven days to Centre on Waqf law, ban on denotification and new appointments

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New Delhi, April 17: Hearing on petitions challenging the constitutional validity of the recent amendments in the Waqf law continued for the second day in the Supreme Court on Thursday. A bench of Chief Justice of India (CJI) Justice Sanjiv Khanna, Justice Sanjay Kumar and Justice K.V. Vishwanathan has given seven days’ time to the Central Government to file a reply. The government assured the court that no denotification or new appointment will be made during this period. The next hearing will be on May 5.

During the hearing, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta told the court that this issue is not such that a decision can be taken by looking at a section. For this, the entire law and history will also have to be seen. This law was passed after considering several lakh suggestions.

He said that if the court issues any order, it will have a huge impact. He sought a week’s time to file a reply, which was accepted by the court.

After this, the CJI said that the court wants that no party should be affected.

Solicitor General Tushar Mehta said that if you want to say something about ‘Waqf by User’, then listen to our side for that. He assured that there will be no appointment in the Waqf Board for a week.

The Supreme Court asked Solicitor General Tushar Mehta if he can assure that the Waqf property registered under the Waqf Act of 1995 will not be denotified? The Solicitor General also assured the court of this.

In an interim order, the apex court fixed the date of next hearing as May 5 and said that the Solicitor General has said that the Central Government wants to file a reply within seven days. He assures the court that no appointment will be made in the Council and Board under the amended sections 9 and 14 of the Waqf Act. Till the next date of hearing, wakfs, including those already registered or declared by notification, shall neither be denotified nor any change made therein by the collector. We take this statement on record.

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