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After war with Azerbaijan, Armenia taps India for military hardware

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Recently in June, a defence delegation from the Republic of Armenia visited India, meeting with their counterparts here. The delegation came armed with a shopping list. While little is known about its contents, drones have been confirmed to have figured prominently on the list. But not drones alone, an official confirmed without going into any further details. This is not the first time that Armenia has evinced interest in Indian military hardware. In 2020, it concluded a deal with India worth 40 million for the supply of four indigenously built weapon-locating radars. The SWATHI radars have been developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO).

Since then, Armenia’s defence requirement has grown exponentially. “The Karabakh war made us rethink our defence needs,” said an Armenian official who did not want to be named. The war referred to the one the tiny South Caucasian nation fought with Azerbaijan over the contested territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. For twenty years the Armenians had held the ethnic Armenian enclave which technically formed part of Azerbaijan, as a result of the controversial borders drawn up during the erstwhile Soviet Union where the exercise was primarily based on keeping individual republics dependent on Moscow.

However, in 2020 Armenia lost all the territory to Azerbaijan, including the corridor that connected Armenia to the enclave. Though a member of the Russia-led Collective Security Treaties Organisation (CSTO), Russia refused to intervene in the war since it considered Nagorno-Karabakh to technically not be ‘Armenian territory’. Russian defence equipment also proved not to be a match for the Turkish equipment that was deployed, especially Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones. Turkish military counsellors and arms won the war for Azerbaijan. “Russia intervened only when it felt Turkey would become a permanent presence in the region,” said the official bitterly. The result – a Russian peace keeping force in Nagorno-Karabakh. But the war also showed the limits of Western support and help for Armenia, as well as the limits of Armenian soft power -primarily its diaspora abroad, which is a source of pride for many Armenians. Armenia, even as located in a hostile neighbourhood, remains dependent on Russia. And Russia now remains focused on Ukraine.

The war has also isolated Armenia in other ways, by way of few foreign investments, decline in trade and commerce, exacerbated by the pandemic. Cash strapped Armenia has been unable to modernise its industrial base or step up its R and D. Armenian analysts bemoan the fact that the country has been unable to take advantage of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and coveted Chinese investments seemed to have bypassed the tiny country even as rivals Azerbaijan and Turkey have apparently benefitted. It is another matter that along with investments Armenia has also escaped the famous Chinese debt trap unlike similarly cash strapped Tajikistan, for instance. But its bilateral trade with China amounting to $873 USD is heavily tilted in favour of the latter. It would also be interesting to know how Armenian analysts view events in Sri Lanka.

This makes the situation very favourable for India. India’s ties with Armenia are civilizational, thanks to its diaspora, Armenia and India continue to share a unique bond. High profile visits have characterized bilateral relations, and new life was breathed into the relationship beginning with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s meeting with Armenian President Nikol Pashashian in New York in September on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. India sees Armenia not only as a friend but a good counterweight to Turkey whose President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been particularly belligerent on the Kashmir issue, and followed a number of policies inimical to India, as well as to Azerbaijan, closely allied with Turkey and Pakistan.

Armenia is strategically located bordering Russia, Iran, Turkey. It is a significant part of multimodal trade routes. The Armenian North South Road Corridor is being developed to connect the Black Sea ports through the territory of Armenia and Georgia and further to Europe.

The implementation of the Project is expected to improve Europe – Caucasus – Asia road communication at the intersection of West Asia and East Europe. During his visit to Yerevan last year in October, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar pledged his support for the corridor. Earlier in 2021, Armenia was included in the virtual conference to commemorate the Chabahar Port. Its North South Corridor easily connects to the International North South Transport Corridor that India is involved in together with Russia and Iran. The first freight recently arrived through the INSTC from Russia to India. The Armenian Road Corridor becomes a natural part of the INSTC, which India has pitched for further linking to the Chabahar Port which it is helping develop.

This offers a valuable option to the BRI. India must therefore seize the opportunity to direct investments to the country, which will help to both develop the corridor, currently being funded by amongst others the Asian Development Bank, as well as resuscitate Armenia’s flailing economy. While China’s Confucius Institutes have made inroads and become quickly popular with Armenians, Indian soft power through Bollywood, Indian cuisine, and the centuries old Armenian diaspora in India has an edge. But it needs to be backed up by equally strong investments and trade. Current bilateral trade between India and Armenia hovers around a paltry $ 234 million. Of this Armenia enjoys the balance of trade but its main exports are minerals and metals. It is seeking to set up its manufacturing base and Indian companies and entrepreneurs with enormous experience can help in this.

Together with defence, trade, and investments, Armenia can become a strategically significant partner for India, where India can set up bases and a commercial and defence hub for joint manufacture and Indian exports beyond. Located in Russia’s sphere of influence, this is an additional advantage for India. Any Indian bases there should not be irksome to Russia, even as it offers an alternative to Armenia and will preempt China’s expanding footprint.

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More massive floods in Nepal affect 4 hydropower projects

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Kathmandu, Oct 11: At least four hydropower projects in the Budhi Gandaki River basin in western Gorkha district have been affected by massive floods that struck early Sunday morning, the Independent Power Producers’ Association, Nepal (IPPAN) said.

The latest floods, reminiscent of the devastating floods in the Bhote Koshi and Trishuli rivers on August 26, swept away parts of several settlements and damaged bridges, roads and infrastructure at hydropower project sites in the Budhi Gandaki River basin and its tributaries.

In a statement, IPPAN, an association of private-sector power developers in Nepal, said four hydropower projects along the Budhi Gandaki River and its tributary streams, with a combined installed capacity of 412.09 MW, had been affected.

According to IPPAN, the main camp area of the 341-MW Budhi Gandaki Hydropower Project was swept away by the floodwaters. Some construction equipment at the project, which is under construction, was also washed away.

Some houses in the camp area of the 24.5-MW Dobhan Khola Hydropower Project were damaged, while a Bailey bridge near the project site was swept away, IPPAN said.

The floods also damaged a Bailey bridge supporting construction work at the 30.59-MW Yaru Khola Hydropower Project, while construction materials and equipment were washed away.

An access road and the bridge connecting the project site of the 16-MW Machha Khola Hydropower Project were also damaged, according to IPPAN.

At a time when Nepal aspires to become a major hydropower exporter in South Asia, the latest disaster highlights the vulnerability of the country’s clean energy infrastructure to sudden floods, landslides and other climate-related hazards.

The devastating floods in the Bhote Koshi and Trishuli rivers on August 26 caused extensive damage to hydropower projects, solar energy facilities, electricity transmission infrastructure and transport networks. The energy sector, particularly hydropower projects, was among the hardest hit.

The August 2026 floods affected 12 hydropower projects and one solar power project, including 281.1 MW of operational capacity and 395.02 MW under construction, according to the World Bank’s Global Rapid Post-Disaster Damage Estimation (GRADE).

Damage to transmission lines and substations also disrupted the transmission of 149.6 MW of electricity to the national grid, bringing the total affected capacity to approximately 430.7 MW, or 10.6 per cent of Nepal’s total installed hydropower and solar capacity at the end of fiscal year 2025-26, which ended in mid-July, according to the report.

The August disaster claimed 1,455 lives, while 5,285 people remained missing, according to the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority.

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Pakistan blasphemy laws under scrutiny over relentless minority persecution

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Brussels, Oct 10: Pakistan record of blasphemy cases over the past decade, including cases emerging in 2026, highlights the human cost of religious accusations backed by criminal law. Such accusations can begin as whispered allegations and end in imprisonment, death sentences or mobs gathering outside family homes, a report has stated.

It noted that for Christians, Hindus and Ahmadis across Pakistan, the threat extends beyond extremists operating outside the law.

“Pakistan’s legal framework itself contains provisions that criminalise religious expression and, in the case of Ahmadis, restrict how a community can identify and practise its faith. Across the border, India follows a fundamentally different constitutional model. It has no official state religion. Its Constitution describes the country as a secular democratic republic and guarantees freedom of conscience and the right to profess, practise and propagate religion,” a report in the European Times detailed.

It noted that the contrast becomes particularly stark when Pakistan’s blasphemy laws are examined through the experiences of its religious minorities over the past decade.

According to the report, Pakistan’s blasphemy provisions have repeatedly been misused to settle personal scores, property disputes and other forms of social hostility. It highlighted that in 2022, Hindu teacher Notan Lal was sentenced to life imprisonment after a student accused him of insulting Prophet Muhammad. The student later reportedly admitted to fabricating the charge after being reprimanded by the teacher.

In another case that year, Christian bicycle mechanic Ashfaq Masih was sentenced to death over accusations of making blasphemous remarks. Imprisoned since 2017, Masih maintained that personal and financial disputes were behind the accusation, European Times mentioned.

“The consequences extend beyond courtrooms. In February 2023, a mob stormed a police station in Nankana Sahib and lynched a man detained on blasphemy allegations. In August that year, hundreds attacked a Christian settlement in Jaranwala after two Christians were accused of desecrating the Quran. Churches, homes and a cemetery were vandalised or set on fire,” said the report, highlighting the alarming level of violence across Pakistan that followed blasphemy accusations.

The report noted that Pakistan’s constitutional designation of Islam as the state religion coexists with criminal blasphemy laws and explicit restrictions on Ahmadis. Cases involving Christians, Hindus and Ahmadis illustrate how religious accusations can escalate into arrests, imprisonment, death sentences or mob violence.

In contrast, the report said, India’s constitutional framework does not make adherence to one religion a prerequisite for citizenship. It highlighted that religious freedom is enshrined in the country’s secular Constitution, which safeguards freedom of conscience, worship and the right of religious communities to manage their institutions.

“That difference matters most when faith becomes contested. In Pakistan, the blasphemy framework can place the criminal law directly at the centre of a religious accusation, while in India, the constitutional model places religious freedom within a secular legal order in which no faith is designated as the religion of the State,” the report stated.

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Musk’s ex-partner alleges $40 million silence offer: US media

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Washington, Oct 10: Ashley St. Clair, the mother of one of billionaire Elon Musk’s children, has alleged that she was offered a financial arrangement worth nearly $40 million in exchange for remaining silent about their relationship, a claim Musk has publicly denied.

In an interview published by The New York Times on Friday, St. Clair, a former conservative social media influencer, said she rejected a proposed nondisclosure agreement because it would have prevented her from discussing Musk and their relationship indefinitely.

The proposed arrangement included a $15 million lump-sum payment and $100,000 a month for 21 years, according to St. Clair. Together, those amounts would total $40.2 million.

Musk disputed the allegation after an earlier report about the proposed agreement.

“She was never offered that and has a history of making false claims,” Musk wrote on X, according to the newspaper.

St. Clair, who gave birth to a child in 2024, said the proposed confidentiality agreement was sent to her two months after childbirth by Jared Birchall, Musk’s financial manager.

She alleged that the document was transmitted through Signal, an encrypted messaging application, and would have restricted her ability to discuss the relationship even with members of her family.

According to St. Clair, the restrictions would also have extended to her heirs.

She said she rejected the agreement because she considered the proposed conditions unacceptable, particularly where they concerned her children.

The newspaper reported that Musk did not respond to its requests for comment on the interview.

St. Clair’s account comes as she appears in “Musk,” a nearly four-hour documentary directed by Oscar-winning filmmaker Alex Gibney examining the technology entrepreneur’s personal life, business interests and public influence.

The former influencer told the newspaper that her decision to participate in the documentary was partly motivated by concerns about the influence of wealth and power.

She said she had become increasingly uncomfortable with the expectation that people should trust powerful individuals simply because of their financial success.

St. Clair described meeting Musk in 2023 after he contacted her through Twitter, now known as X, where she had developed a following by promoting conservative political positions.

At the time, she was working for the conservative satirical publication The Babylon Bee and raising a child from an earlier relationship.

She said the two began communicating regularly and subsequently developed a personal relationship.

During a trip to St. Barts in January 2024, Musk raised the possibility of having a child together, according to her account.

St. Clair said she initially viewed the relationship positively but became concerned after learning more about Musk’s custody dispute with musician Grimes, with whom he shares three children.

She also described becoming increasingly disillusioned with the political movement surrounding President Donald Trump, which she had previously supported.

In the interview, St. Clair acknowledged having promoted political positions and rhetoric that she now regrets, including commentary concerning race, gender and transgender people.

She said her changing views developed gradually and were not solely the result of her personal dispute with Musk.

Musk has criticised Gibney’s documentary, accusing the filmmaker of assembling accounts from people with grievances against him or little personal knowledge of him.

The allegations surrounding the proposed financial agreement remain disputed, and the interview does not establish that Musk personally authorised the terms described by St. Clair.

Musk is the chief executive of Tesla and SpaceX and the owner of X. His business interests span electric vehicles, space exploration, artificial intelligence and digital communications, giving him a prominent role in American technology and public affairs.

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