National News
Patel’s alarm, Nehru’s ‘dismissal’: The origins of the National Herald storm
New Delhi, April 17: A series of letters exchanged between Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1950, as documented in the book Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, suggest that Patel expressed concerns to Nehru regarding the use of the ‘National Herald’ for fundraising purposes. These letters indicate that Patel cautioned Nehru about “the potential misuse of government influence in financial dealings” and advised against accepting contributions from “questionable” sources.
The old correspondence between Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru has resurfaced at the heart of political debate, following the Enforcement Directorate’s chargesheet against former Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. The charges, tied to alleged money laundering in the National Herald case, have brought renewed attention to Patel’s early warnings about financial misconduct linked to the publication—warnings that now seem strikingly relevant.
In fact, The National Herald has been entangled in controversy since the early days of independent India. Letters exchanged between Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru in 1950 are frequently referenced to point out that questions around the paper’s financial conduct and political misuse were being raised even then.
In 1950, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explicitly warned Jawaharlal Nehru about dubious fundraising tactics and the ‘misuse’ of government machinery to prop up the National Herald. These serious concerns revealed Patel’s clear discomfort with the ethical and political implications of such actions. Despite the gravity of the warnings, Nehru apparently chose to brush them aside.
Are Sardar Patel’s decades-old warnings proving to be prophetic? The question is echoing across political debates following the Enforcement Directorate’s chargesheet against Sonia and Rahul Gandhi, accusing them of orchestrating a “criminal conspiracy” to usurp properties worth Rs 2,000 crore belonging to Associated Journals Ltd (AJL), the publisher of the National Herald. What began as a stern caution from one of India’s foremost statesmen in 1950 has, according to political analysts referencing Patel’s letters, now spiralled into an allegedly full-blown scandal that “underscores a legacy of alleged misuse of power and political entitlement”.
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel raised the red flag in a series of pointed letters to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. On May 5, 1950, Patel wrote to Nehru expressing grave concern over a Rs 75,000 donation to the National Herald from two individuals associated with Himalayan Airways. The airline had reportedly obtained a government contract for night air mail services by circumventing objections from the Indian Air Force. Observers say that it was an early sign of “political favouritism and backroom dealings”.
Patel didn’t mince words. He highlighted that one of the donors, Akhani, was already facing multiple charges of bank fraud. Even more damning was Patel’s accusation that Union Minister Ahmed Kidwai was abusing his official position to collect funds for the Herald, including money from controversial businessmen in Lucknow such as J.P. Srivastava.
Nehru’s reply, sent the same day, was “vague and dismissive”– attempting to pacify Patel without allegedly addressing the core concerns. He mentioned having asked his son-in-law, Feroze Gandhi, then General Manager of the Herald, to look into the matter. According to an analyst, Nehru’s tone as reflected in the letter was non-committal, brushing the issue aside as though it were an unfortunate misunderstanding.
Patel, undeterred, responded the very next day, May 6, 1950. He saw through the deflection as he wrote to Nehru in detail, explaining how certain private companies and their shareholders were involved in the process. Sardar Patel noted, “Some contributions did not come from those involved in running the department. Otherwise, to my knowledge, the number of contributions received was sufficient and involved other individuals as well. The transactions I have referred to are of a different nature. There is no element of charity in them.”
In his follow-up, Nehru again “tried to distance himself from the paper and its finances”, claiming he hadn’t been involved with the National Herald or its fundraising for three years and had passed the responsibility to a woman named Mridula. He admitted “some mistakes may have occurred” but continued to what was seen by many as his attempt to “justify” the questionable transactions as part of a legitimate business proposition, even calling it a matter of “loss and profit” — not charity.
This point was highlighted by BJP national spokesperson Sudhanshu Trivedi who stated that on May 6, 1950, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a letter to Sardar Patel saying, “Herald is a good business proposition and its preference shares and debentures are not a bad investment.”
It was said during Nehru’s time that the investment made in the National Herald could be profitable. This is a good business investment, so its shares or debentures cannot be considered harmful, said Trivedi referring to correspondence.
The direct implication is that from the very beginning, this investment was linked to profit, business, and property, he added. “Today, the Congress party should be asked this ethical question: when this was always a business plan, how can it suddenly be linked to charity or donations given during the freedom struggle?” he said.
This was the breaking point for Patel.
In his final letter dated May 10, 1950, he made it clear that the issue was about integrity, accountability, and the misuse of political power. As Home Minister, he expressed deep concern over the ‘dishonesty’ surrounding the Herald’s funding and the dubious individuals involved.
He rejected Nehru’s defence outright, calling out the rot at the core of what was being portrayed as a freedom movement legacy.
Sardar Patel wrote, “In light of these events, I do not think there is any benefit in pursuing this matter further. I have already told you how I view these activities, and I doubt that if this happened in any other province and I had any connection to it, I would not accept this situation.”
According to Trivedi, this clearly means that he had become disillusioned and did not want to talk about it again. “Now, Congress should explain what kind of sacrifice and dedication this was,” Trivedi asked.
According to political observers, Patel’s firm stance exposed a deeper malaise — a troubling pattern of entitlement, favouritism, and ethical compromise that would resurface decades later. His warnings, largely ignored at the time, now seem eerily prophetic.
Crime
Senior citizen in Bengal’s Dinhata attempts suicide, fearing deletion of name from voters’ list

Kolkata, Oct 29: A 60-year old man, Khairul Sheikh, a resident of Dinhata in Cooch Behar district of West Bengal, allegedly tried to commit suicide by consuming poison on Wednesday reportedly out of the fear of getting his name deleted from the voters’ list following the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in the state, the groundwork for which will start from November 4.
His family members have told the police and the media persons that, although the name of Sheikh was in the voters’ list of 2002, the year when the SIR was conducted in West Bengal for the last time, the spelling of his name was incorrect in that list.
According to Shaikh’s family members, he was scared that because of the mistake in the spelling of his name in the 2002 list, his name might be deleted from the voters’ list.
Confirming the development, the new District Police Superintendent, Sandip Karra, told media persons that as per the versions of Sheikh’s family members since the SIR was announced for West Bengal by the ECI earlier this week, he started panicking.
“The police have started an investigation into the matter. He is currently under treatment. We will investigate him after he recovers and get to know from him the reasons behind his act,” Karra said.
Trinamool Congress’ Cooch Behar district president, Avijit Dey, said that the incident is proof of what kind of panic is there among the common people over the SIR.
“What I heard is that some people told Sheikh that because of the mistake in the spelling of his name in the 2022 list, his name will be deleted from the voters’ list following the fresh SIR, and he will also be deported to Bangladesh. Out that fear he tried to commit suicide,” Dey added.
The BJP legislator from Cooch Behar (Uttar) constituency, Sukumar Roy, said that even if the fear factor prompted Sheikh to attempt suicide, Trinamool Congress is responsible for that since the party is responsible for spreading a false sense of fear among people about the SIR.
On Tuesday, a 57-year-old man, identified as Pradeep Kar, committed suicide at Panihati in North 24 Parganas district, reportedly out of fear of being affected by a possible National Register of Citizens (NRC) in West Bengal.
BJP had already raised doubts about whether the suicide note recovered from near his body was actually written by the deceased person and also demanded a proper investigation into the actual reason behind the suicide.
On Tuesday, both the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Trinamool Congress’s General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee accused the BJP and the Union government of spreading a sense of fear and division by using NRC as a tool, where people are often made to doubt their own right to existence, the reflection of which was felt in the suicide of Kar.
Since the beginning, Trinamool Congress leadership had been describing the SIR as an indirect ploy by the BJP and the Union government to impose the NRC in West Bengal.
National News
Tejashwi carries a mixed bag of Lalu legacy, where ‘jungle raaj’ is among burdens

New Delhi, Oct 29: When his estranged elder sibling Tej Pratap Yadav said that Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi was living in their father Lalu Prasad’s shadow, the younger brother could have nodded in agreement since his aspiration to be Bihar’s next Chief Minister lay through that path.
Early this year, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) national executive committee passed a resolution empowering Tejaswi to levels that equalled that of the founder and party President Lalu. It was thus clear who among the latter’s nine children would carry the legacy forward.
Four of Lalu-Rabri’s children exhibited interests in politics, with Misha Bharti standing by Tejashwi in the current family feud, seemingly content as a Lok Sabha member, while the younger Rohini Acharya has extended support to Tej Pratap.
Rohini, who unsuccessfully contested as an RJD candidate from Bihar’s Saran Lok Sabha constituency in 2024, makes no secret of her disappointment over their father’s endorsement of Tejashwi. She also makes it known that it was she who donated a kidney to Lalu earlier.
Tejashwi’s elevation in RJD was, therefore, through a family feud that is standing out more vividly with the elections. The resilience and determination that he has shown in his fights within the family and party reflected outside – in seat-sharing negotiations. Despite his age and experience being less than most of his allies, he handled them with elan, refusing to give in much to their demands.
He lacks the rustic sense of humour of his father, but that did not come in the way of making the partners smile, even if reluctantly. The exercise bore fruit in 2020 when the Mahagathbandhan fell short of a majority by only a dozen seats and the RJD emerged as the single largest party, winning 75 of Bihar’s 243 Assembly constituencies. He has thus lived by Lalu’s legacy of using alliance strength when facing a stronger opponent.
In 1999, when Sonia Gandhi was poised to stake a claim to form the government but Mulayam Singh Yadav refused to support, Lalu – despite being a political rival at times – was more amenable to working with the Congress. Though he had only seven seats in the Lok Sabha, the Bihar strongman played a role in trying to bridge gaps between regional leaders and Gandhi.
In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, when the RJD won 24 Lok Sabha seats, giving Lalu substantial influence in forming the new government, he had famously said “I will play the role of queenmaker”, referring to his support for the Sonia-led Congress.
In the run-up to the 2025 polls, Tejashwi did upset a few parties – including the All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and national ally Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) – but he did not want RJD to either lose vote share or vote bank, accommodating more partners. He calculated that getting AIMIM onboard could paint a Muslim overreach and could affect Yadav votes. Bihar’s caste census report of 2022 shows the former at around 17.70 per cent and the latter at about 14.3 per cent. He is rather intending to somehow break into the Backward (OBC) and the Extremely Backward Class (EBC) votes, who together constitute some 63.1 per cent of Bihar’s population.
The RJD, which initially enjoyed their support, witnessed an erosion in OBC votes, being viewed as leaning further towards Muslim-Yadav support; while EBC votes shifted for Bihar’s ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United). He is thus trying to live Lalu’s legacy of using “Mandal” over “Kamandal”.
Lalu’s rise to prominence was rooted in the implementation and political mobilisation around the Mandal Commission’s recommendations. He used it as a tool against so-called Kamandal politics, said to be in favour of majoritarian, upper-caste-centred Hindutva projects. This consolidation also helped Lalu decimate the rising Communist forces, who stuck to “class struggle” over the state’s caste equations.
However, Tejashwi also carries the legacy of “jungle raaj” under the Lalu-Rabri regime that his critics have repeatedly raised with a slogan of “good governance” from Nitish Kumar. That is among the aspects of his father’s shadow that the young Yadav is trying hard to step out of.
Bollywood
Bollywood actor Mukesh Rishi watches J&K Assembly proceedings from Speaker’s Gallery

Srinagar, Oct 29: Bollywood actor Mukesh Rishi on Wednesday watched the proceedings of J&K Assembly from the Speaker’s Gallery as members cutting across party lines welcomed his presence.
The Assembly warmly welcomed Rishi, who was present in the Speaker’s Gallery during the ongoing session.
Members across party lines greeted the actor with applause as Speaker Abdul Rahim Rather announced his presence in the House.
Rishi belongs to J&K and was born on April 19, 1956, in a Gujjar Chaudhary family in Kathua district.
Growing up in Jammu, graduating from Government College, Sector 11, Chandigarh, and working for two years in Mumbai, Rishi moved to Fiji for work, where he met his future wife, who is of Indo-Fijian ancestry. Her family ran a traditional departmental store. He has a lucrative investment portfolio, including warehouse investments.
He later worked as a model in New Zealand before beginning his acting career in India.
An actor known for playing villainous and supporting roles and a film producer, he has worked in Hindi, Telugu, and other films. Among his better-known Bollywood movies are “Gunda” (1998), “Sarfarosh” (1999), and “Koi… Mil Gaya” (2003).
The Autumn Session of the J&K Assembly will end on October 31. With its conclusion, all the top offices of government, including those of the Chief Minister, his cabinet colleagues, the Chief Secretary, administrative secretaries and the Director General of Police (DGP) will move to the winter capital Jammu.
The move is called the “Dabar Move” and will see the offices functioning for six months from the winter capital, Jammu.
The over one and a half century old practice of shuttling offices between Srinagar and Jammu was stopped by the Lt Governor in 2021, but has been restored by the elected government headed by Omar Abdullah.
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