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Maharashtra Elections 2024: Will The Ladki Bahin Yojana Be A Gamechanger For Mahayuti Or A Failed Poll Plank?

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Maharashtra Elections 2024: Will The Ladki Bahin Yojana Be A Gamechanger For Mahayuti Or A Failed Poll Plank?

With the Maharashtra Assembly elections around the corner, political analysts are closely watching the effects of the ruling alliance’s Ladki Bahin Yojana, seen as a possible game-changer for the Mahayuti government, which includes Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Ajit Pawar’s faction of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). 

While the scheme is viewed as a strategic move to win over women voters, recent defections from the ruling camp to the opposition suggest the political battle is not yet over and the voters might be signalling towards a change.

Launched by the ruling alliance, the Ladki Bahin Yojana aims to empower girls and women in Maharashtra, addressing a key demographic of voters. Before the scheme was paused due to the model code of conduct, the government had already transferred five instalments of ₹1,500 per month to 2.34 crore applicants. This amounted to a significant outlay of ₹17,174 crore, raising questions about the sustainability of such populist measures and their potential electoral impact in run up to the state elections.

Populist schemes: A proven strategy?

Populist schemes have long played a crucial role in Indian elections, from cash transfers and farm loan waivers to subsidised electricity and women-centric initiatives. In some cases, these schemes have significantly swayed voters, as seen in past elections across the country.

In Delhi in 2020, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) won a landslide victory by offering free electricity (up to 200 units), free water, bus rides for women, and improvements in government schools. These promises, particularly in education and women’s empowerment, resonated with lower- and middle-income voters, allowing AAP to secure 62 out of 70 seats.

In Telangana in 2018, the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) introduced the Rythu Bandhu scheme, which provided direct financial support to farmers. The scheme was credited for the party’s strong showing, winning 88 of 119 seats, and solidified TRS’s base among rural voters.

In Tamil Nadu, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) promised financial assistance for women, free bus rides for women, and support for farmers and low-income households ahead of the 2021 elections. The DMK won 159 of 234 seats, defeating the ruling AIADMK. The promise of a monthly stipend for homemakers played a key role in mobilising women voters, contributing to the DMK’s success.

Shivraj Singh Chouhan-led government in Madhya Pradesh announced several populist schemes including the Ladli Behna Yojana targeting women aged 23-60 years from low-income families and providing them with Rs 1,250 per month ahead of the 2023 assembly elections. As a result, his government won the state with a thumping majority even after years of anti-incumbency much to the Congress’ disappointment.

Maharashtra’s complex political terrain

Despite the success of populist schemes in other states, Maharashtra presents a unique challenge. Over the past few years, the state’s political landscape has been marked by party splits, shifting alliances, and heightened political rivalries. The battle for power in the upcoming elections is not just about promises and schemes; it’s about the very survival of political entities and their leaders.

Political analysts believe that while the Ladki Bahin Yojana might appeal to women voters, it is difficult to predict whether it will guarantee electoral success in Maharashtra, where the political dynamics are far more fluid and unpredictable.

Lessons from failures of populist schemes

Not all populist schemes have translated into electoral victories. There are instances where parties have failed to win despite offering attractive welfare measures:

In Madhya Pradesh (2023), the Congress promised its Nyay Yojana and farm loan waivers, yet it struggled to win seats. Delayed implementation and doubts about the schemes’ financial sustainability weakened their appeal, and local governance issues seemed to take precedence over populist promises.

In Tamil Nadu (2021), the AIADMK’s wide-ranging populist measures, such as Amma Canteens, free laptops, and financial support for women, failed to prevent the party’s defeat. Voter fatigue after 10 years of AIADMK rule, combined with the DMK’s more attractive welfare promises, played a significant role in the shift.

In West Bengal (2021), the BJP promised cash transfers, free rice, and farmer support under the PM-KISAN scheme, but these promises couldn’t outmatch Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC), which retained a strong voter base through its established welfare schemes like Kanyashree and Rupashree (for women’s education and marriage).

Why populist schemes sometimes fail

Several factors can undermine the effectiveness of populist schemes:

– Delayed or inconsistent implementation: If schemes are not implemented swiftly or face administrative hurdles, they may fail to gain the expected electoral support. For example, the Congress’s farm loan waiver in Madhya Pradesh was delayed, causing voter scepticism.

– Over-saturation of promises: In states like Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, where intense political competition leads to a flood of promises, voters may become desensitised. The novelty and appeal of populist schemes diminish when both ruling and opposition parties offer similar packages.

– Leadership and governance issues: Strong leadership often outweighs the appeal of populist schemes. In West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee’s established leadership and connection with local communities helped her retain power, while in Tamil Nadu, the AIADMK struggled with leadership challenges after J. Jayalalithaa’s death.

Political turmoil and defections

Amid the Ladki Bahin Yojana’s potential to boost the ruling coalition’s chances, the exodus of leaders from the Mahayuti government raises concerns about its winnability. Several key leaders from Ajit Pawar’s NCP and BJP factions have defected to Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray’s camps citing dissatisfaction within the ruling alliance. More defections are expected as party members face uncertainty over ticket allocations for the upcoming elections, further complicating the ruling coalition’s prospects.

The Ladki Bahin Yojana might be seen as a masterstroke by the ruling coalition, but the defections and political unrest signal that the race for power in Maharashtra is far from over. Whether or not the scheme will help the Mahayuti government retain power is to be seen when results will be declared on the evening of November 23.

Maharashtra

Maharashtra Elections 2024: Mahim Records Highest Voter Turnout In Mumbai City With 58%, Colaba Lowest At 44%

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Maharashtra Elections 2024: Mahim Records Highest Voter Turnout In Mumbai City With 58%, Colaba Lowest At 44%

Mumbai: The voting for the 2024 Maharashtra assembly elections concluded on Wednesday, with the state recording 65.02 per cent voter turnout across 36 districts. In the Mumbai City district, all eyes are on the high-profile Mahim and Worli constituencyes, from where the political dynasty of Maharashtra, Amit Thackeray and Aaditya Thackeray contested.

As per the Election Commission data, in Mumbai City district, Mahim constituency has recorded the highest turnout with 58 per cent, followed by Wadala constituency with 57.37 per cent. Worli constituency recorded 52.78 per cent voter turnout, while Malabar Hill recorded 52.53 per cent. Following the tradition, the Colaba constituency stood at the bottom of the list for voter turnout, with mere 44.49 per cent voting percentage.

However, it needs to be noted that the voter turnout for Mumbai City is higher in 2024 compared to 2019 assembly polls. In 2019, Mumbai City had recorded 48.26 per cent voter turnout. In 2019, Mahim had recorded 52.71 per cent, Worli had recorded 48.09 per cent, while Colaba has recorded mere 40.13 per cent.

In 2024 Maharashtra assembly elections, Mumbai City has recorded a total of 52.07 per cent voter turnout and Mumbai Suburbs recorded 55.76 per cent. Mumbai City district has 10 assembly constituencies and Mumbai Suburbs has 26.

In Mumbai Suburbs, Bhandup West has recorded the highest voter turnout with 61.12 per cent, followed by Borivali and Mulund with 60.5 per cent. In the suburbs, Mankhurd-Shivaji Nagar constituency has recorded the lowest voter turnout with 52 per cent.

The voting for all 288 assemblies in Maharashtra was concluded on Wednesday evening. The results will be declared on Saturday, November 23.

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Maharashtra

Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024: Will Mahayuti Secure Clean Sweep? Here’s What Exit Polls Have To Say

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Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024: Will Mahayuti Secure Clean Sweep? Here's What Exit Polls Have To Say

Mumbai: The 2024 Maharashtra Assembly elections have captured the nation’s attention, with exit polls projecting a potential victory for the ruling BJP-led Mahayuti alliance. If these predictions hold, the implications could ripple far beyond the state, reshaping political alliances and strategies.

Of the nine exit polls released after Wednesday’s polling, six forecast a clear majority for the Mahayuti, while two favor the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The remaining survey predicts a hung assembly, adding intrigue to an already charged political atmosphere.

Exit Polls

Surveys conducted by Poll Diary, Chanakya Strategies, Matriz, People Pulse, P-Marg, and CNX indicate that the Mahayuti will secure a comfortable majority, with seat projections ranging from 122 10 195. In contrast, SAS Group and Electoral Age give the edge to the MVA, projecting between 147 and 155 seats. Lok Shahi Marathi-Rudra stands apart, suggesting a hung assembly with both alliances within striking distance of forming the government. Poll Diary predicts the Mahayuti winning between 122 and 180 seats, with BJP emerging as the single largest party with 77-108 seats.

Chief Minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction is expected to secure 27-50 seats, while Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar’s NCP faction might claim 18-28. On the other hand, the MVA could win 69-121 seats, with Congress (28-47), Shiv Sena (UBT) (16-35), and Sharad Pawar’s NCP (25-39) splitting the tally. Chanakya Strategies suggests the BJP crossing 90 seats, while Shinde’s Sena and Pawar’s NCP faction may win 48 and 22 seats, respectively. The MVA’s Congress faction could secure 63 seats, Thack- erays Sena 35, and Pawar’s NCP around 40.

The CNX survey provides one of the highest estimates for Mahayuti, predicting 160–179 seats against the MVA’s 110–119. Conversely, the SAS Group and Electoral Age buck the trend, forecasting an MVA majority, with Congress as the dominant party in its fold. The Maharashtra elections have been characterized by shifting political allegiances and a highly polarized campaign.

Impact Of Splits

Splits in both the Shiv Sena and the NCP have significantly influenced the electoral landscape, with the BJP deftly maneuvering to capitalize on these divisions. Ajit Pawar’s defection from Sharad Pawar’s NCP has bolstered the Mahayuti’s urban and semi-urban appeal, while Eknath Shinde’s leadership has sought to consolidate rural and middle-class votes. The BJP’s campaign has centered on economic stability and infrastructure development, positioning itself as a harbinger of continuity and growth. On the other hand, the MVA, comprising the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and Sharad Pawar’s NCP faction, has tried to portray itself as a viable alternative, focusing on farmer distress, unemployment, and regional disparities. However, internal fractures and an inability to present a united front have undermined its appeal in crucial swing regions.

The 58.43% voter turnout, slightly lower than previous polls, indicates heightened interest in rural constituencies, traditionally seen as swing zones. The areas often determine the final outcome, and Mahayuti’s robust rural outreach could prove decisive. Exit polls suggest urban areas, particularly Mumbai and Pune, have leaned towards the BJP-led alliance, reflecting its resonance with middle-class and youth voters. However, the MVA has found support in agrarian districts, where anti-incumbency and dissatisfaction with government schemes are palpable. A decisive victory for the Mahayuti would bolster the BJP’s momentum ahead of the general elections, reaffirming its dominance in India’s political heartland.

A Key Battleground

Maharashtra, with its 48 parliamentary seats, is a key battleground for any national coalition, and a BJP-led sweep in the assembly could significantly influence Lok Sabha dynamics. Moreover, a Mahayuti win could further marginalize opposition parties like Congress and the NCP, which are already struggling to remain cohesive. It would also validate the BJP’s strategy of co-opting regional leaders like Ajit Pawar and Shinde, signaling a shift in how regional coalitions are formed and sustained. For the MVA, a strong performance could reinvigorate its standing as a formidable opposition bloc. It would demonstrate that voter dissatisfaction with the BJP’s policies can translate into tangible electoral gains, energizing anti-BJP forces across India.

All Eyes On The Final Tally

As counting day approaches on November 23, all eyes will be on the final tally. If the Mahayuti secures a decisive majority, it will not only cement the BJP’s position in Maharashtra but also reshape the national political landscape. Conversely, a surprise victory for the MVA or a hung assembly could pave the way for post-poll alliances, injecting further uncertainty into the political narrative. Ultimately, the Maharashtra elections have underscored the dynamic interplay of local and national politics, offering a preview of the strategies and alliances that will define India’s electoral future.

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Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024: In High-Stakes Worli, Shiv Sena-UBT Leader Aaditya Thackeray Faces Formidable Challenge From CM Eknath Shinde’s Sena & MNS

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Mumbai: Worli has emerged as one of the focal points in the election. Sitting MLA Aaditya Thackeray from Shiv Sena (UBT) faces a formidable challenge from the Shiv Sena (Shinde) and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), making the contest intense and unpredictable.

In 2019, 47.98% of the voters in Worli cast their ballots. This time, a voter turnout of 52.78% was recorded. For Thackeray, the 2024 election is vastly different from his 2019 campaign, when he secured an easy victory. This time, he faces stiff competition from two prominent leaders representing major parties: The Shiv Sena (Shinde) has fielded Milind Deora, and the MNS has nominated Sandeep Deshpande.

Allegations Made By MNS Leader Sandeep Deshpande

Deshpande has alleged that a fake letter claiming MNS’ support for the Mahayuti alliance was circulated in Worli by Shinde Sena workers. This led to a scuffle between MNS workers and supporters of the Sena. Following the incident, MNS officials visited Agripada Police Station to lodge a complaint. Adding to the tension, MNS cadres allegedly slapped a former corporator of the Shinde Sena over the distribution of the fake leaflet.

Deshpande Files Complaint Against Shinde Faction Member Rajesh Kusale

Deshpande subsequently filed a complaint against Shinde faction member Rajesh Kusale for allegedly circulating the fabricated letter in the name of MNS chief Raj Thackeray.

Voice Of Voters

Rajesh Pachku Koli, a resident of Worli, expressed his concerns about the election environment, stating, “I cast my vote every time. This time, I voted for a genuine candidate. One party fielded a candidate just to oppose others without a development agenda, while another distributed large sums of money to buy votes and added fake names to the voting list. I voted for someone who does real work, not one with just money.”

Kishor More, another voter, said, “I feel disappointed because Maharashtra’s politics has become dirty. There are no ethics left. No one talks about development; there is inflation, and political leaders divert people’s attention. Some political parties lure voters and fight to take credit for any work. I stand with the true candidate.”

“Politics has changed a lot. In my generation, there were at least some ethics. Now, there are no ethics left,” 80- year-old Shankar Mahadik said.

“Anyone can join any party and even contest from parties with totally opposite ideologies. Almost all are the same; no ideology remains – it’s all about power. Still, I remain optimistic. As a senior citizen, I believe in change. I cast my vote for the candidate who is the least bad and the most good.”

Residents of more than 35 chawls in Worli BDD initially decided to boycott the election, citing unresolved issues related to BDD redevelopment. However, with just hours left for voting, they withdrew their decision after receiving assurances about resolving their concerns. Consequently, residents turned out to cast their votes.

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